(...) Without scruples, on 28 February, in the midst of the Coronavirus emergency – in five days 110 cases had been officially confirmed in the area, which was out of control – the Italian employer’s federation, Confindustria, launched a social media campaign with the hashtag #YesWeWork. “We need to tone it down, make public opinion understand that things are returning to normal, that people can go back to living the way they used to,” the president of Confindustria Lombardy, Marco Bonometti, told the media. The message of the promotional video for international partners was absurd: “Coronavirus cases have been diagnosed in Italy, but it is no different to many other countries,” they downplayed the situation. And they lied: “The risk of infection is low”. They blamed the media for unwarranted scaremongering, and they showed workers in their factories while boasting that all their factories would remain “open and at full capacity, as always.” Just five days later, the huge outbreak of infections and deaths arrived. It would end up being the largest in Italy and Europe. Even then, Confindustria did not withdraw the campaign, much less consider closing the factories (...) Article excerpt: Bergamo, the massacre that the employers chose not to prevent The part of Italy that was hardest hit by Covid-19 is a major industrial hub. It was never declared a danger zone due to lobbying by employers. The human cost was catastrophic. Alba Sidera Roma , 10/04/2020
Poder
7 Archival description results for Poder
The "Pirate Utopias and European Archives Renegades" present a silent report on CCTV-security cameras. A catalog of tragedies and ideas for the future.
On May 27, 2011, police tried to evict the camp at Plaça Catalunya (Barcelona), which consisted of citizens exercising their right to freedom of assembly in a public space. The ensuing events in Barcelona became one of the most-documented cases of police brutality in recent history. They will also go down in history for the effective, exemplary and forceful non-violent response of the demonstrators. Following these events, a group of citizens filed a complaint reporting police abuse. But the judge closed the case without even hearing the complainants. This decision effectively left the claimants – and all citizens – utterly defenceless, and left the perpetrators of the serious events that took place on May 27 unpunished. It also created a dangerous precedent that is reminiscent of the impunity that existed in Spain during Franco’s dictatorship. #SOS27M Police impunity questions Spain’s democracy and justice system and calls for the support of the international community.
UntitledIn 1985 the Government of Catalonia initiated the so called Cultural Agreement, which established culture as means for an understanding between left-wing and right-wing parties. Culture was destined to manage the new democracy’s rethorics. If some aspired to get the story of the country; some other, the story of the capital. The right-wing dreamed the myth of civil society; the left-wing with that of the citizen. And both saw the bourgeoisie as the symbol of their aspirations, and incidentally, how to overcome their antagonism. The Barcelona Museum of Contemporary Art (MACBA) was officially born in 1987 as a reflection of that dynamic. The common good was kidnapped since private interests were confused with public debate. The series of interviews this documentary presents wants to capture that process and provide keys of interpretation about the current cultural policies. With contributions from: Oriol Bohigas, Manuel Borja-Villel, Xavier Bru de Sala, María Corral, Josep Miquel Garcia, Daniel Giralt-Miracle, Joan Guitart, Bartomeu Marí, Miquel Molins, José Montilla, Jordi Pujol, Josep Ramoneda, Joan Rigol, Leopoldo Rodés, Gemma Sendra, Pep Subirós.
UntitledSince Kyrgyzstan gained its Independence in 1991, there has been a revival of the ancient practice of Ala-Kachuu, which translates roughly as “grab and run”. More than half Kyrgyz women are married after being kidnapped by the men who become their husbands. Some escaped after violent ordeals, but most are persuaded to stay by tradition and fear of scandal. Although the practice is said to have its root in nomadic customs, the tradition remains at odds with modern Kyrgyzstan. Ala-Kachuu was outlawed during Soviet era and remains illegal under the kyrgyz criminal code, but the law has rarely been enforced to protect women from this violent practice.
Non-Identified Video Observatory (OVNI)The clash between the State and the social movements in Spain in 2011 laid bare the true nature of power. The police crackdown was a response to the largest protest to date. Three hundred thousand demonstrators were faced with the most violent side of democracy. Using images of these events taken from various sources, this film reflects on democracy, power and its symbols, the role of the media and violence, as well as questioning the language of film and the scope of its possibilities.
UntitledIn April 1961, in the Aurès mountains of Algeria, a hunting commando made up of Breton conscripts confronts a group from the National Liberation Army and captures an Algerian prisoner. A French soldier, wounded in the clash and a schoolteacher in civilian life, recalls the events he experienced with his comrades over the past months: their opposition to the Algerian war led them to a camp reserved for draft resisters. He remembers how their commanding officer managed to turn them, from young anti-militarist Bretons, into fearsome fellagha hunters — ready to kill, and even starting to enjoy it. All of them, except him, gradually give in to the escalating violence. Avoir vingt ans dans les Aurès, is a fictional work based on eight hundred hours of recordings of French conscripts during the Algerian war.